Namosis: Modern Talk, Blinkered Walk
BY RK MISRA
Leaders rise by selling
hope and fall trading it with despair. In power, each manufacturers its own
brand of nemesis. This is as true of Indira Gandhi and son Rajiv as with
Morarji Desai and Atal Bihari Vajpayee.
If the first two fell
to multiplying expectations, the last two were done in by divisions
and subtractions. Divisions in their own ranks and subtractions in
popularity caused by the falsity of India shining. The Desai- headed Janata
Party government was an amalgamation of diverse opposition groupings including
Jan Sangh, which broke away on disintegration to form the BJP thereafter. The
Vajpayee government was a BJP led coalition (NDA). Both Desai and Vajpayee
governments withered lotus- like as
strident hindutva took precedence over objective governance. Now Narendra
Modi’s full- bloom saffron government is
beginning to show signs of the
same contagious distraction within the first six months of its rule.
While Modi led BJP
came to power as a backlash against corruption riding astride a development- oriented governance agenda, the RSS
seems to interpret the mandate as one for ushering in a hindu state. A strange frenzy
has gripped the various organs of the Sangh
Parivar to rush the government into an ‘ancient’ charter of urgent changes. Text books must be
re-written, history revised, geography altered, cultural assimilation
encouraged …… and so it goes on. The list is long. The hurry to ‘annex’ states
democratically and to bring them into the saffron fold in pursuit of a BJP
political goal is understandable. What
is not is the hurry to fulfil the ‘hindutva’ agenda.
“Smriti meets RSS to
weed out ‘anomalies’ in history”, screams a national news daily headline. The
meeting is part of BJP’s measures to ensure better coordination between the
government and the party and it’s affiliated organization. Every other day some or the other minister is going through a
similar routine. Is there no better way of doing things?.When the then Prime
Minister, Manmohan Singh implemented
suggestions by a national panel headed by Congress President Sonia
Gandhi, he was termed a spineless stooge taking orders from an extra-constitutional authority. Now?.
The latest ,in a long
line of controversial decisions, involves the one over the enacting of an
anti-conversion law. It all stemmed from
the Mathura ‘episode’ of converting poor muslims to Hinduism which led to a
furore in Parliament.
The VHP terms it
‘ghar vapasi’. Returning home, they call it. It’s fair by Sangh Parivar
standards.Hindus can convert others at will but vice versa is a crime. In April
2013, BJP leader now union minister, Venkaiah Naidu had publicly announced his party’s intent to bring an
anti-conversion law to ban religious conversions in the country if his party
was voted to power. Is it all as plain as it sounds or was the Mathura ‘episode’
timed to send temperatures soaring in Parliament to elicit the suggestion for a
law.
We, in Gujarat, have
seen things happen this way. During his chief ministerial stint in Gujarat, Modi
had enacted the controversial ‘Freedom of Religion Act, 2003’. The law came in for widespread criticism and even
faced objections from the government’s
own legal department. It was finally activated in 2007 ahead of the Gujarat
Assembly elections. The government’s official statement termed it as a
necessary measure to stop all religious conversions through inducements or threats in the ‘larger
national interest’. Interestingly, Himachal Pradesh (2006) and Rajasthan (2008)
followed suit with their own variations of
the anti-conversion law. Chhatisgarh had passed it around the time
Gujarat did it (2003). Orissa was the first one in 1967 followed by MP in 1968.
Rajasthan, though is yet to receive the nod to turn it into a statute.
Gujarat’s law, by
far, remains the most stringent. It has a very wide ambit and provides for
punishment for those seeking to convert whether
by allurement or through fraudulent means, with upto three years’
imprisonment and a fine of upto Rs50,000.In the case the individual being
converted is a minor, a woman or a person belonging to scheduled caste or
scheduled tribe, the punishment goers upto four years imprisonment and a fine upto Rs one lakh. The law also requires the
person seeking to convert to take prior approval of the district magistrate and
the one who is converting to also do the same. None of the other state’s Acts
mandate so. The Gujarat law has already been challenged in the High Court.
The anti-conversion
law in Gujarat makes for a high degree of official interference and provides
for a more than passing role of the district magistrate. It would thus be easy
for an official to find reasons to
disallow inter-religion marriages involving majority community girls. Statistics
from Gujarat after the law came into force should make for interesting reading.
Since anything and
everything that was done in Gujarat
during the Modi-era now constitutes the holy grail for his cabinet ministers, it
is but logical, that ground preparation may have already begun for an anti-
conversion legislation at the national
level.
Remember Gujarat
under Modi never adopted the “National Curriculam Framework 2005” therefore
textbooks by the Gujarat Council of Education and Training (GCERT) have only
one paragraph on the 350 years of Moghul
rule in India. On the other hand the chapter meant for the study of moghul rule
almost entirely devotes itself to how Mahmud of Ghazni, an invader from
Afghanistan, pillaged and looted Gujarat and India. Social Science textbooks
for classes 6 to 8 shot into focus for it’s bloomers that said that Japan had
launched a nuclear attack on the United States in World War-ii!
This year, Dinanath
Batra’s books are now part of the
curriculum in Gujarat. As is the historical fantasy of akhand Bharat comprising of Pakistan, Bangladesh, Sri Lanka and Nepal to
name a few, as propagated by him and many others.
The Modi government
could do well to remember the plight of
many others who strode onto the national stage colossus- like riding a
fund of goodwill, only to find it all frittered away, pursuing ideosyncracies, and
the mighties ending up as mere footnotes of national history. The popular
mandate to Modi is for good development-oriented governance not archeological
restoration of an ancient, mythical charter.
Let history not say that he was the one who raised a dust and then complained
he could not see.No man is demolished but by himself!
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